St Johns and Chambly part 5 (Quebec 1775)

After almost two days, the only damage was to the fort's chimneys, but this was enough to impress Stopford. While Chambly was not built to withstand a heavy bombardment, many cursed Stopford for not holding out longer and above all for not destroying the stores before surrendering. On 21 October, Preston and his men watched as the boats taking the Chambly garrison to prison camps in New England passed upriver. Such was the damage to the defenders' morale that the Canadian contingent petitioned Preston to let them surrender separately. At Montreal, desertions among the militia (and the capture of a leading seigneur whilst recruiting replacements) had restricted Carleton to minor raids against Longueuil and Boucherville. Now he knew that time was running out for St Johns and he ordered MacLean to bring 180 troops down to Sorel from Quebec, and to recruit as many militia as he could on the way. By mid-October, with MacLean now leading 400 men, Carleton preparing to cross to Longueuil with 130 Regulars, 800 militia and 80 Indians and link up with MacLean just south of Chambly. Late in the afternoon of 30 October, Carleton's force set out in boats from St Helen's Island in the middle of the river. Immediately, they ran into musket fire from Seth Warner's 350 Green Mountain Boys and canister from two small cannon captured at Chambly. Unable to risk losing many men, Carleton withdrew, despite a successful landing by some Canadians and Conosadaga warriors farther downstream that could have been exploited. Just south of Sorel, MacLean learned of this setback while encountering strong opposition from Brown and Livingston and he too turned back.

St Johns and Chambly part 4 (Quebec 1775)

Back at St Johns, Montgomery had been delayed further by bad weather and by Preston's gunners, who had cleared a field of fire by leveling the buildings outside the fort. On 22 September, work began on the first battery, but with the besiegers outgunned by the defenders and by the vessels on the river, progress was slow. The American blockade was also extremely lax - Preston communicated regularly with Carleton and on 4 October, two Canadian officers rounded up eight cattle from nearby fields and brought them into the fort. However, matters changed when heavier guns arrived from Fort Ticonderoga, including a large mortar immediately christened "the sow". By 15 October, the two buildings inside the fort were in ruins and, though casualties were negligible, the defenders were forced to sleep in the cellars. More worrying for Preston was a second American battery on the east bank, directly opposite the fort, which not only closed the route in for messengers and supplies, but also threatened the vessels moored there. Preston sent one of the row galleys, armed with a 24-pdr, to destroy the work, but after severe casualties on both sides it was forced to withdraw. The senior naval officer, Lieutenant William Hunter, now recommended that all three vessels be beached between the redoubts and their guns and stores removed. Before this task was completed, however, Royal Savage was holed by heated shot and sank with its ordnance still aboard, so infuriating Preston that Hunter had to defend his reputation in writing. On 18 October, Preston suffered an even greater blow: Stopford surrendered the fort at Chambly, along with its garrison and valuable supplies of powder and shot. Brown and Livingston had surrounded the post with 400 men (half of them Canadian recruits) and had been joined later by Montgomery's two row galleys, which Duggan had slipped past St Johns at night.

St Johns and Chambly part 3 (Quebec 1775)

Allen sent men to find Brown (who was still at Laprairie) and to obtain help from Thomas Walker inside the city. Walker tried to talk several fellowcitizens into unlocking the city gates, but by now a local man had spotted Allen and informed Carleton. Carleton, until now in despair of relieving St Johns because of the lack of support from the populace, found that a threat to Montreal itself produced a different response. While a few took their families down to the docks in order to escape, 120 French and 80 English volunteers armed themselves and reported for duty. They were joined by 34 men of the 26th Foot, six Indians, and 20 Indian Department officers, one of whom - Major John Campbell - took command of the force. As the British emerged, the Americans took cover in woods and buildings. Campbell placed his Regulars in the center and sent the volunteers to attack Allen's flanks, at which Duggan's recruits (on the right) panicked and fled. The men on Allen's left did the same, leaving Allen alone; 36 of his men were captured, five were killed, and ten wounded. Campbell lost two officers (including Major John Carden of the Legislative Council) and one soldier killed; a French seigneur and a Regular were wounded. The victory saw over 1,200 militia flood in from the surrounding countryside, to add to the 600 in Montreal who, with Indians and Regulars, gave Carleton over 2,000 troops. Many now clamored to relieve St Johns. Instead, they remained in Montreal for four weeks until the militia drifted away for the harvest and to protect their homes from marauding bands of collaborators. The lack of action appeared culpable, but in truth Carleton had no firm intelligence on enemy numbers and location, and any of the American contingents roaming the countryside between Montreal and St Johns could easily have ambushed him. But if Carleton could not challenge Montgomery, he could improve security in Montreal and he issued a warrant for Walker's arrest. On 5 October, a detachment of Royal Highland Emigrants arrived at Walker's house. He fired on them, wounding two, and only surrendered when the soldiers set the house ablaze.

St Johns and Chambly part 2 (Quebec 1775)

A third attempt was scheduled for 13 September, but the weather intervened. Schuyler again fell ill and, on 16 September, handed over command to Montgomery. Determined to make the most of this opportunity, Montgomery returned to St Johns that day with 2,000 men aboard a schooner, a sloop, two armed row galleys, and ten bateaux -sufficient to blockade both the fort and the river. He also had 40 Canadians recruited near Chambly by Livingston and Jeremy Duggan, a Quebec barber, and led by Major John Brown. The Americans disembarked under sporadic artillery fire and encircled the fort. Brown captured a supply column from Laprairie and then occupied an old redoubt astride the road. The fort's commander, Major Charles Preston, sent out a patrol, which captured Hazen and forced Brown to abandon the work. Montgomery then arrived with 500 fresh troops and forced the British back to the fort with some loss but in good order. By the evening of 18 September the Americans had the fort surrounded and Preston sent Lorimier to inform Carleton of his predicament. The next day, Montgomery sent patrols to warn of any relief attempt from Montreal - Brown went to Laprairie, while Allen (a subordinate any commander would happily send elsewhere) headed north with Livingston and Duggan to recruit more Canadians, and then occupied Longueuil. Few habitants took the bait. Local leaders, especially the clergy, made every effort to dissuade their neighbors from joining the Americans, and one group even wrote to Carleton, begging his pardon for not turning out with the militia. These loyalists expected immediate aid from Carleton, but he chose to remain in Montreal, which - though correct militarily - led many citizens to question the wisdom of openly backing the British. While few Canadians helped Livingston, none tried to hinder him and he was able to intercept all vessels coming up the Richelieu from Sorel. On 24 September, Allen and Brown met at Laprairie and hatched a plan to capture Montreal. The idea was presented by Allen, who was upset at losing command of the Green Mountain Boys to his cousin Seth Warner, and now had a commission but no command. Brown would cross from Laprairie and land south of the city with 200 men. Allen, with 30 men detached by Brown and 80 of his own (mostly Canadians), would cross from Longueuil and attack from the north. Allen ferried his men across during the night of 25 September and by dawn was awaiting the signal that Brown was ready. It never came.

St Johns and Chambly part 1 (Quebec 1775)

The plan approved by Congress involved a two-pronged attack to make Carleton disperse his forces. The left wing, 3,000 men under Schuyler, would head for Montreal, via Lake Champlain and the Richelieu River. The right wing, 1,050 men led by Arnold, would head up the Kennebec River, over Height of Land, and down the Chaudiere River to Quebec. This "second front" was not Arnold's idea, but he quickly became a supporter once denied command of the main force. Montgomery set out from Crown Point with 1,500 men on 30 August and by 2 September was at Ile-aux-Noix, where Schuyler joined him two days later. Despite poor health, Schuyler was determined to lead his men into Canada, which he did on 5 September. As his boats approached St Johns, British guns opened fire but did little damage, and the troops landed in a swamp about a mile from the fort. As they advanced on the fort they were ambushed by 100 Indians under Lorimier. Overcoming the initial shock, Schuyler's men fought back, with Lorimier losing four dead and five wounded. Disgruntled at the lack of support from the garrison, the Indians withdrew. By evening the Americans had built a breastwork beside the river, but later had to pull back as the British gunners found the range. That night, Moses Hazen (posing as a friend of Congress) informed Schuyler that the fort had plenty of troops and supplies, a heavily armed schooner - Royal Savage - was heading his way, and there was little support for the invasion among the habitants. The last point was of particular concern, as Schuyler had believed it was the one element he could count on. After a council of war, Schuyler pulled back to Ile-aux-Noix the next day. Scarcely had he arrived and informed Congress indicating that he was considering withdrawing to Crown Point, when James Livingston - an American living near Chambly and a distant relative of Montgomery's wife - arrived and presented an entirely different picture. Urging one more effort against St Johns, Livingston promised that the Canadians would join Schuyler. Schuyler now had 1,900 men, but only 1,000 fit for action. They re-embarked and headed back to St Johns, this time under Montgomery. Early on 10 September they reoccupied the works built during the previous attack and a group from the 1st New York entered the woods west of the fort, with the aim of cutting the supply line to Chambly. The earlier experience with the Indians had made the men jumpy, and a chance encounter in the dark woods led two groups to fire on each other. Eventually, the problem was sorted out, but then Ritzema's men faced a real ambush and fled to the river. As Montgomery rallied them in person, a rumor began that Royal Savage was about to bombard them and he was forced to shepherd them back onto the bateaux and return to Ile-aux-Noix.

The decision to invade (Quebec 1775)

For three weeks, Congress discussed handing back Ticonderoga and Crown Point, and disavowing Allen and Arnold. Another letter was sent to Canada, referring to despotism, tyranny, oppression, and common cause, and on 1 June, Congress declared that an invasion of Canada was contrary to its aims. However, by mid-June the delegates had been persuaded that invasion was a strategic necessity. Both Allen and Arnold had suggested that it would require just 2,000 men and, if reports of British weakness and the strength of pro-American feeling were true, the capture of Montreal and Quebec were assured. Arnold's plan involved a siege of St Johns by 700 troops, with another 1,000 bypassing the fort to seize Montreal (with the gates opened by sympathizers), and 300 more guarding the lines of communication along Lake Champlain and the Richelieu. With Montreal captured, St Johns, Chambly, and Quebec could not hold out and Congress would control the entire Province long before reinforcements could arrive, removing any threat of a British counterattack. The plan appealed to both Congress and to General Washington, and the invasion was approved on 27 June, but with the New Yorkers Schuyler and Montgomery, rather than the Yankee Arnold, in command. When Schuyler reached Ticonderoga on 18 July, he was confronted by utter chaos. Not only did the few troops present lack even the rudiments of discipline (and, moreover, have no intention of learning them from a haughty New Yorker), but the logistical systems so dear to his heart - and essential to wilderness warfare - were nonexistent. His experiences as deputy quartermaster general in the French and Indian War helped to remedy some defects, but it was the end of August before a very "rough and ready" Separate Army left Ticonderoga, and 2 September before it set foot on Canadian soil. When Carleton learned of the loss of Ticonderoga and Crown Point, he placed his lieutenant governor, Hector Cramahé, in charge at Quebec and left for Montreal with Major Joseph Stopford and most of the 7th Foot. At Montreal he found under 600 Regulars fit for duty, an indifferent and insubordinate militia, no armed vessels, no fort in good enough repair to withstand a siege, no immediate prospect of reinforcements, and a small but influential body of citizens openly consorting with the enemy. The seigneury soon rallied round, and the younger English colonists volunteered to serve at St Johns, but the habitants appeared "badly disposed." A proclamation by Bishop Briand of Quebec, urging them to ignore American propaganda and serve the King, elicited little response beyond the denunciation of the Bishop as a traitor. On 9 June, acting on advice from a leading seigneur, Carleton established martial law and called out the militia (though he was not optimistic about the response). Unfortunately, he made the mistake of choosing new senior officers from the nobility who had military experience but only in the regular French army. With no knowledge of the militia, they granted commissions to friends and relatives and ignored the existing officers. Not surprisingly, many were physically abused and chased out of the parishes. The English-speaking colonists were no more helpful: barely 70 men appeared when the "British Militia" of Quebec were called out. Carleton could understand the reluctance of the "New Subjects", but the behaviour of the "Old Subjects" left him incensed. Frustrated, he turned to a community he knew he could rely upon: the former Highland soldiers settled in Nova Scotia and the Mohawk Valley, who were being recruited by MacLean. Somewhat less welcome was the "reinforcement" from Boston - Brigadier-General Richard Prescott. Carleton gave him command of the Montreal garrison, but otherwise tried to ignore him. As if all of this was not enough, Carleton also had problems with the Indians, alarmed at American success and nervous of an invasion. Gage and others were insistent that they be used and so Carleton wrote to the posts at Detroit, Kaskaskia, and Michillimackinac, warning them of rebel activity and suggesting that they took steps to ensure the loyalty of local tribes. Guy Johnson, superintendent of the northern Indian Department, met Carleton at Lachine on 26 July, along with over 1,600 warriors who expressed a desire to lay waste New England. They were appalled when Carleton declined the offer and forbade them to cross the frontier, and Johnson, along with Joseph Brant and an Indian Department officer, Daniel Claus, went to England to seek permission for a more aggressive posture. An attempt by Carleton to placate the tribes by taking 50 warriors as scouts made no impact. Some, mainly Onondaga and St Regis, drifted home but others craved action. On 22 August, a group under the Chevalier Francois de Lorimier attacked some of Allen's men near the Lacolle River. Several Indians were wounded and one of Allen's officers - Remember Baker - was killed, at which Congress immediately sent a Stockbridge delegation to the Caughnawaga to explain that the clash had been accidental and that the Americans intended them no harm. Meanwhile, Carleton had turned his attention to the forts. He could not afford to yield territory, especially as Montreal only had a weak wall and ditch, therefore the defense had to be based near the frontier, so he ordered repairs to the defenses at St Johns and garrisoned it with as many Regulars and volunteers as he could find. He also sent to Halifax for carpenters and shipwrights and to Gage in Boston for the return of the 10th and 52nd Foot, so that he could chase the enemy back down Lake Champlain once they were defeated. However, when Liberty and Enterprise returned to St Johns and bombarded it on 7 June, Carleton knew that he faced an invasion by a buoyant enemy and that he had insufficient resources to repel it. Everything rested on St Johns: if it fell he would lose most of his Regulars and Montreal, leaving just Quebec standing between the Americans and control of Canada.

The Americans - part 3 (Quebec 1775)

Canada

While Congress gradually adopted the regular units raised by each colony, various "special" units were also recruited for Canada. Some, such as Duggan's Corps, were never completed and a few only ever existed on paper. Among the more organized were the Green Mountain Boys from the New Hampshire Grants (now Vermont). Raised illegally before the war to defend the Grants from incursions by New Yorkers, its knowledge of wilderness fighting prompted Congress to let Schuyler formalize the unit as a seven-company battalion, each with three officers and 70 men, commanded by a lieutenant colonel and a major. At the end of 1775, Congress formally authorized the creation of an eight-company unit from the Canadians recruited by Livingston during the autumn. This later became the 1st Canadian Regiment, and included former soldiers of the Compagnies Franche de la Marine who had settled in Canada. Being French born, rather than Canadian, they were less reluctant to fight the British. The 1st Canadian Regiment appears to have peaked at 200 all ranks. The 2nd Canadian Regiment was authorized in February 1776 and raised at Montreal by Moses Hazen. It adopted a French regimental structure, having a colonel and lieutenant colonel, and four battalions, each commanded by a major, and containing five companies of three officers and 50 enlisted men. However, probably only one battalion was ever raised. Because Hazen was never reimbursed for the costs of recruiting the unit, he retained proprietary control, hence the unit survived the disbandment of the more senior 1st Canadian Regiment, retained its French structure, and later had the pick of the foreigners in the Continental Army.

Arnold's command

The 1,100 men who marched through Maine were all volunteers (in fact, so many volunteered that they had to be chosen by lot). There were two, five-company battalions of musketeers, drawn from all four New England colonies, and three companies of riflemen - two of Pennsylvanians, one of Virginians - drawn from the rifle regiment raised by Congress. These latter were frontiersmen, ideally equipped for the journey: some Pennsylvanians marched 450 miles (725km) in 26 days to reach Boston; the Virginians covered 600 (965km) miles in three weeks.
The two New England battalions were led by lieutenant colonels Christopher Greene (brother of Nathaniel) and Roger Enos. Greene was 38, a former militia major, who owned sawmills and forges in Rhode Island; Enos, 46, was a veteran of the French and Indian War. Their deputies were majors Timothy Bigelow, a Massachusetts blacksmith, and Return Jonathan Meigs, of Connecticut. The ten captains included Henry Dearborn, a young doctor and veteran of Bunker Hill; Simeon Thayer, a wig maker and former Roger's Ranger; Samuel Ward, the son of a former governor of Rhode Island and just 19, and William Goodrich, who had connections with the Stockbridge tribe. The riflemen were led by Daniel Morgan, and two wildly contrasting Pennsylvanians - Matthew Smith, a hard drinker and fighter, and the quiet, courteous William Hendricks.
Arnold also had a small staff- his secretary, Eleazer Oswald; the brigade major, Danish engineer Christian Febiger; a chaplain, the 29-year-old firebrand Samuel Spring; Dr Isaac Senter, seven years younger and one of the first surgeons appointed to the Continental Army; and Aaron Burr, described by John Hancock as a "gentleman of reputation." Two women also accompanied the expedition; both were wives of Pennsylvanian riflemen and, apparently, every bit as tough.
Arnold's fleet on Lake Champlain consisted of 17 vessels - three schooners, one sloop, one cutter, two row galleys, two galleys, and eight "gundalows" (gondolas). Of these, 15 fought at Valcour; of the other two, one schooner was converted to carry stores and act as a hospital ship, and one "gundalow" was still fitting out at Skenesboro. Due to the difficulties in recruiting experienced sailors willing to take on the Royal Navy, most of the crews were soldiers, including a draft of 300 men from two New Hampshire regiments. It is unclear how near Arnold got to his official complement of 915 men, although the "gundalow" Philadelphia apparently was missing only one man from its establishment of 45.

The Americans - part 2 (Quebec 1775)

New York

In 1775, New York raised four infantry regiments and an artillery company, with a total strength of 3,000 men. The gunners, under Captain John Lamb, came almost entirely from New York City, and were clothed in blue faced buff to avoid being mistaken for lowly infantrymen. After 31 December, almost all of the survivors re-enlisted in a new company under Lieutenant Isaiah Wool. In 1776, two new companies were formed in New York City, and assigned to Schuyler.

The infantry regiments were recruited from New York City, Albany and the Mohawk Valley, the northern Hudson valley, and the southern Hudson Valley, respectively. The 1st included several officers who had fought in the French and Indian War, while the 2nd had a strong Dutch influence.

Each regiment had 758 men, comprising a colonel, lieutenant colonel, and major, five "staff' (adjutant, quartermaster, surgeon, surgeon's mate, and chaplain), and ten companies, each with a captain, three lieutenants, three sergeants, three corporals, a drummer, a fifer, and 64 privates. Companies were based on existing militia units, whose own precedence determined each regiment's seniority, and the regiments tended to represent the majority politics - radical, or conservative - of these areas.

In April 1776, another four (later five) infantry regiments were raised, also numbered 1st to 4th. Three incorporated veterans of the 1775 campaign, but apparently only the 1st corresponded to its 1775 counterpart, the 2nd being based on the old 3rd and the 3rd around the old 4th. The 4th was a new unit, raised in Albany, whilst the old 2nd eventually became the 5th Regiment. Colonel John Nicholson also formed a provisional battalion at Quebec from the men remaining after the expiry of the second tranche of enlistments in April 1776, but the unit was disbanded and the men transferred to another regiment based in the Mohawk Valley (both of these corps employing three-year enlistments).

New Jersey

New Jersey raised three infantry regiments during the winter of 1775. Initially intended for Washington's Main Army, they were diverted to reinforce Schuyler, the 2nd arriving in Canada in March, and the 1st in May (the 3rd went to the Mohawk Valley). The two senior regiments were based on existing militia structures, the 1st recruiting in the north-east and the 2nd in the south-west; the 3rd appears to have been recruited "at large". Both the New Jersey and Pennsylvania contingents included a number of French and Indian War veterans.

Pennsylvania

Pennsylvania, not being a Royal colony, had no established militia, but formed volunteer units - "Associators" - during the 1770s. In January 1776, six infantry units (referred to as battalions, rather than regiments) were authorized, of which the 1st, 2nd, 4th, and 6th served in Canada. One of their conditions of service was that they operated as a single brigade, under a Pennsylvanian general. One of the eight companies in each battalion consisted of riflemen, which brought complaints from officers concerned at how an asymmetrical seven-company unit would maneuver when the riflemen were detached. A seventh battalion - named after its commander, Colonel Aenas Mackay - was raised in the summer of 1776 to help defend the frontier of the Northern Department.

Due to a misunderstanding, Pennsylvania also formed an artillery company, which Congress later agreed to adopt. The unit was recruited by the engineer, Bernard Romans and led into Canada by Captain-Lieutenant Gibbs Scott.

The Americans - part 1 (Quebec 1775)

New Hampshire

Because of its frontier status, New Hampshire contained many French and Indian War veterans, particularly from "ranging" (scouting) units. With its "line" regiments at Boston, the colony's main contribution to the Separate Army was a ranger detachment under Captain (later Major) Timothy Bedel. Originally a single company of state troops, it expanded to three companies, each of 66 officers and men, and served until December 31.

After the defeat at Quebec, Congress sent urgent requests to New Hampshire, Massachusetts, and Connecticut for extra regiments, over and above their agreed quotas, to serve for one year in Canada (in each case the units were recruited from the counties closest to Canada). On 20 January 1776, the ranger unit was re-raised in north-west New Hampshire, again under Bedel (now a colonel), but this time with eight companies. After the British evacuated Boston in March 1775, the 2nd, 5th, and 8th Continental Regiments (formerly the 3rd, 1st, and 2nd New Hampshire regiments of 1775) were sent to Canada. Averaging over 500 men, only the battalions from Pennsylvania were larger.

Massachusetts

Although Massachusetts' forces were fully committed to the siege of Boston until March 1776, it did raise one provisional regiment, under Colonel Elisha Porter, to serve in Canada. Organized as a standard Continental battalion, it may have reached 500 effectives. Once the British evacuated Boston, the 15th, 24th, and 25th Continental regiments were also sent north.

Connecticut

After Allen and Arnold had gone, only a few local militia were left to guard Ticonderoga, so Congress assumed responsibility for some of Connecticut's forces and sent them to defend it. This contingent comprised three of Connecticut's six (later eight) regiments - the 1st, 4th, and 5th. All ranks were drawn from existing militia companies, in proportion to the population of each county, and had to serve until 10 December. As with all the New England contingents raised in 1775, these regiments were outside the militia system and were more akin to the Provincial units of earlier colonial wars.

Infantry regiments had six staff officers, plus a colonel, lieutenant colonel, and major (the 1st had two majors as its colonel, David Wooster, was also a general) and ten companies, each with four sergeants, four corporals, two musicians, and 90 privates. Seven companies had four officers, the other three being nominally commanded by the three "field" officers (hence Wooster had to fulfill three roles). Two companies each of the 1st and 4th regiments remained at Boston.

In early January 1776, Colonel Samuel Elmore formed a provisional regiment at Quebec from men whose enlistments had not expired, or who had re-enlisted. In response to urgent requests from Congress, another regiment was raised in January 1776, by Colonel Charles Burrall; this included one company trained as artillerymen, under Captain John Bigelow.

The Americans - Introduction (Quebec 1775)

In contrast to their enemy, the American forces in Canada changed composition, personnel, and organization frequently. The expiry of enlistments led to the consolidation of the remaining men into ad hoc "regiments" (often no bigger than companies), and unit numbers and titles were recycled.

On 14 June 1775, Congress adopted an "American continental army" of 10,000 (later 22,000) men at Boston, and 5,000 more at New York City. The latter came mainly from New York and Connecticut. In theory, all of the units in Canada were adopted by Congress, and so qualify as "Continentals" - the equivalent of British Regulars. However, even as late as 1776, a standing army was still anathema to many politicians and units were considered to be on loan to Congress. Thus, political control remained with "the people" through the colonial legislatures. The force that entered Canada was known as the "Separate Army" until the end of 1775, and thereafter as the "Northern Army". Commanded by Schuyler, it had its own quartermaster general, paymaster general, military secretary, engineers (three), and hospital services, the last run by Schuyler's personal
physician, Dr Samuel Stringer.

Initially, each colony had its own regimental structure, usually based on the ten-company British battalion (but without flank companies). However, on the reorganization of the Continental Army in early 1776, ten colonies adopted a common battalion structure, often called the "November" model. This had a colonel, lieutenant colonel, and major, plus ten regimental staff, with just eight companies, each of four officers, four sergeants, four corporals, two musicians, and 76 privates. The other three colonies - New Jersey, Delaware, and Pennsylvania - adopted the "October" model, which had the same regimental headquarters, but only three officers (captain, lieutenant, and ensign), four sergeants, and 68 privates per company.

At the same time, the rifle unit raised by Congress in June 1775 and all the New England infantry were amalgamated into a single "Continental Line" of 26 consecutively numbered regiments. An artillery regiment was also formed, under Henry Knox, with 12 companies, each comprising a captain, a captain-lieutenant, a first lieutenant, two second lieutenants, four sergeants, four corporals, eight bombardiers, eight gunners, 32 matrosses (privates), and a drummer and fifer. Two companies (under Ebenezer Stevens and Benjamin Eustis) went to Canada in early 1776.

The British and their allies (Quebec 1775)

The "British" forces comprised six distinct elements. In order of size, they were the Army ("Regulars"), the German Auxiliaries, the Militia (predominantly French-speaking Canadians), the Royal Navy, Indians, and Loyalists (i.e. loyal white civilians of British, Irish or American birth).

The Army

In 1775, this element of imperial defense was in short supply everywhere in North America. Of the five infantry regiments assigned to Canada, two - the 10th and 52nd Foot - had gone to Boston in October 1774 on the assumption that 3,000 militia would mobilize to oppose any invasion. This left the 8th Foot dispersed around the Great Lakes posts, and the 7th and 26th Foot - both at least ten percent under strength - defending the Province of Quebec. The 26th and all but two companies of the 7th were captured in November 1775, and spent over a year in captivity.

In May 1776, the 29th Foot arrived at Quebec, and in June, eight more regiments arrived from Europe (the 9th, 20th, 21st, 24th, 31st, 34th, 53rd, and 62nd Foot) and one (the 47th Foot) from Halifax. Of these ten units only the 47th Foot had seen action since 1762 (at Concord and Bunker Hill), although the 29th, 31st, and 34th Foot had all served in North America during the early 1770s. However, the light companies of the five senior regiments had trained in the new tactics devised by Sir William Howe in 1774, and were prominent in the 1776 campaign.

Burgoyne also brought four companies of artillery. Prior to that, Carleton had only a single company of regular gunners, most of whom were captured at St Johns.

German Auxiliaries

Most of the German contingent in Canada came from Brunswick (Braunschweig-Wolfenbuttel), with one infantry regiment and an artillery company from Hesse-Hanau. The first division of 2,282 Brunswickers and 668 Hessians arrived in June; the second division, 2,000 Brunswickers, arrived in September. During 1776, only the artillerymen saw serious action, primarily at Valcour Island, where they manned two gunboats and some ordnance on Thunderer, and performed creditably. Von Riedesel used the winter of 1776 to adapt the tactics and clothing of the entire corps to North American conditions.

The Militia

Following the acquisition of New France in the Treaty of Paris in 1763, the British by and large retained the administrative infrastructure, including the militia. Each parish provided a company of men when required by the authorities, based on a fixed quota (leaving enough men to maintain farming and business). From 1759, there were three administrative "brigades" based on Montreal, Trois Rivieres, and Quebec. All males between 16 and 60 years old were eligible. On paper, 15,000 men were available to France in the previous conflict, but only a third were mobilized at any time, of whom 80 percent were employed in transport and supply. In 1775, Carleton's lack of Regulars led the militia to form the bulk of every combat formation in the field. Never enthusiastic, the militia was further de-motivated by Carleton's apparent lack of aggression, and if not employed immediately tended to go home.

The Quebec City militia - effectively a separate force - was mobilized in September 1775, and served until May 1776 (but continued to attend parades and social events until 1783). There were 11 companies of "Canadian Militia" (reduced to eight in December), six companies of English-speaking colonists, or "British Militia", and one company of artillery.

The Royal Navy

The senior service was involved in most actions of the campaign. A detachment from the schooner Gaspe served at St Johns, albeit less than impressively. At Quebec, nine companies were formed from the crews of the warships and merchantmen in the harbor, whilst the frigate Lizard and the "snow" Fell were moored in the St Lawrence to command the river.

In 1776, 700 men were drafted from the fleet that relieved Quebec, to man the Lake Champlain flotilla. Whilst Arnold's fleet usually attracts all the attention, the breakdown, transportation, and reassembly of the four major British vessels was a far more impressive technical achievement.

Indians

Lord Dartmouth sanctioned the use of Indians in July 1775 - a move that generated much controversy at the time, and more as the war progressed (although Congress had authorized the raising of a "minuteman" company from Stockbridge warriors four months earlier). Military and civil control was exercised via the Department of Indian Affairs, established in 1754 to counter French superiority in this aspect of colonial warfare. There were two districts - north and south - each with a superintendent reporting to the commander in chief in North America.

In 1775, the northern district, under Guy Johnson, ran from Canada to the Pennsylvania-Virginia border. It contained around 8,500 warriors, but few of these were available initially, as the invasion isolated the western and southern tribes until late 1776. The main sources of manpower available to Carleton were the Iroquois (or Six Nations) of the Mohawk Valley, and Caughnawaga (Seven Nations) of the St Lawrence Valley. The Iroquois were traditional allies of the British, but the Caughnawaga had previously served the French and were believed (with some justification) to be lukewarm. In fact, both groups were the focus of efforts by Congress -including visits by their Stockbridge "brothers" - to negotiate their neu¬ trality. A few Oneida and Tuscarora actually fought against the British).

Carleton was the only senior British officer in North America to speak out against using them, as much for military as humanitarian reasons. Their fearsome reputation was a double-edged sword and their unique approach to warfare - based on returning home with as much loot and as few casualties as possible - made controlling them a problem. Nevertheless, they were invaluable as scouts: Carleton employed 50 warriors in this role in mid-1775, and over 640 led his advance into New York a year later. War parties usually operated under the direction of officers of the Indian Department (often seconded Regulars), French militia officers or local Army officers. Tactically, they were by no means naive: the Iroquois employed a rudimentary form of "fire and movement" and were adept at using cover to close with the enemy. Whilst acts of cruelty were committed occasionally, most of the atrocities ascribed to them - for example, at The Cedars - were either exaggerated, or completely false, often being used to justify attacks and land-grabbing by colonists.

Loyalists

Dozens of English-speaking Canadians served as volunteers, but the only formal unit of white Loyalists was the Royal Highland Emigrants (later the 84th Foot). Originally two separate corps, it soon became a two-battalion regiment, recruiting in every colony, and even direct from Scotland (being a Provincial unit, this was illegal, but MacLean circum¬ vented the law by having native Scots swear the oath after arriving in America). Numbers were high thanks to unusually generous bounties, the use of traditional Highland dress, and the patronage of their first colonel, Gage, who prevented "poaching" by other units.

The regiment fought in every major action of the campaign, except Valcour Island, usually with distinction, particularly at St Johns and Quebec. It remained on the Provincial establishment until 24 December 1778, and on 10 April 1779, company strength was officially increased from 50 rank-and-file to 70. By 1783, the unit had served everywhere from the Great Lakes to Nova Scotia and from the North Atlantic to Florida. The only blot on its record was the high desertion rate of men recruited from the Continentals captured at Quebec which, along with Burgoyne's dislike of MacLean, saw the unit left in Canada during the 1777 campaign.

Major General John Sullivan (Quebec 1775)

Major General John Sullivan (1740-95) was born in Somersworth, New Hampshire, the son of Irish immigrants. He practiced law and was reputedly so greedy and litigious that he was once attacked by a mob. Despite this, he became a major in the militia and was elected to both the First and Second Continental Congress, aligning himself with the radicals and welcoming a split with Great Britain.

In December 1774 he seized 100 barrels of powder from Fort William and Mary in Portsmouth, promised the Governor that his followers would disperse, and then promptly went back and took 60 muskets and 15 cannon. Seven months later, he was sent to Boston with the rank of brigadier general, but also remained active in politics, campaigning for a distinct government for New Hampshire. After the British evacuation, he was ordered to Canada with six regiments, but soon found himself in command of an army facing the twin scourges of smallpox and a superior enemy. Attempting to take the offensive, faulty intelligence led to the defeat at Trois Rivieres, after which he saw retreat as the only option. He withdrew to Crown Point, only to find that he had been replaced by Gates.

After complaining to Congress in person, Sullivan returned to take command on Long Island, only to be superseded again - this time by Putnam - and then captured at Brooklyn. He was exchanged in September for Richard Prescott, served under Washington in the New Jersey and Pennsylvania campaigns, and commanded at Rhode Island (1778) and against the Iroquois (1779). Illness contracted during the latter campaign forced him to resign his commission and enter Congress. He chaired the inquiry into the 1781 mutinies, and later became governor of New Hampshire and a federal judge.

Brigadier General Benedict Arnold (Quebec 1775)

Brigadier General Benedict Arnold (1741-1801) was born in Norwich, Connecticut, the great-grandson of a governor of Rhode Island. As a young man, he courted physical danger and personality clashes, and was regarded by his peers as a natural leader. Apprenticed to a local apothecary, he soon set up his own business and later became a smuggler. As the political rift with Great Britain grew, these interests led him to oppose restrictions on trade, and he became a natural ally of the radicals.

By 1774, Arnold was a wealthy merchant, an accomplished sailor, and captain of the second company of the Connecticut Governor's Foot Guards. Within 24 hours of hearing of events at Lexington, he seized the New Haven powder magazine - upsetting a French and Indian War veteran named David Wooster in the process - and marched to Boston. Proposing the seizure of Fort Ticonderoga and its much-needed artillery and supplies, he was given a commission by Massachusetts, which was later rescinded, much to his annoyance. In June, the death of his wife forced him to return to New Haven, where he was laid low by an attack of gout. He then received a third blow when the Massachusetts Congress refused to pay most of the expenses he claimed to have incurred in its service.

In September, General George Washington persuaded him to command one of the expeditions into Canada. The march to Quebec and the attack on the city illustrated his dynamic leadership, but the legal problems that followed his period as governor of Montreal showed another side to his character (as would a similar post in Philadelphia after the Saratoga campaign). He became embroiled in a court-martial instigated by Brown, Easton, and Hazen following the mysterious loss of supplies Arnold had seized from local merchants and sent to St Johns. When the court refused to hear one of his witnesses, Arnold challenged the members to a duel and only the intervention of Gates prevented further unpleasantness.

Arnold was a complex character: the creation of the Lake Champlain fleet showed his immense dynamism, the attack on Quebec his bravery (both traits that would surface again at Saratoga). However, avarice and "creative" accounting skills led to controversy throughout his Continental service, and also after the war, while his sensitivity to personal slights - real or imagined - contributed as much to his decision to change sides as his flirtations with the Loyalists in Philadelphia.

Brigadier General Richard Montgomery (Quebec 1775)

Brigadier General Richard Montgomery (1738-75) was the third son of an Irish MP. Educated at Trinity College, Dublin, he became an ensign in the 17th Foot at 18 and in 1757 went to North America, serving at Louisburg, Ticonderoga, Crown Point, and Montreal. By 1760 he was adjutant of his regiment; he served at the capture of Martinique and Havanna in 1762, and ended the Seven Years War as a captain. After the Treaty of Paris, he remained in New York for two years, before returning to England in 1765, where he met prominent Whigs, such as Edmund Burke and Charles Fox.

By the early 1770s, Montgomery was disenchanted with the poor prospects of a peacetime army officer. In 1772, he sold his commission (having lost a chance to buy a majority in controversial circumstances) and emigrated to North America, buying a farm at King's Bridge, New York. In 1773, he married the daughter of prominent local landowner and judge Robert Livingston. This family connection opened doors and despite being resident in the Colonies for barely three years, Montgomery was appointed to represent Dutchess County at the New York Provincial Congress. In June 1775, the Provincial Congress nominated him for the post of brigadier general in the Continental Army. In both cases, his name was put forward without his knowledge and he only agreed to serve out of a sense of duty towards a community that had welcomed and befriended him.

Two months later, Montgomery found himself second-in-command of the Separate Army. Following Schuyler's withdrawal through illness, it was left to Montgomery to lead the inexperienced and undisciplined force into Canada. That leadership was enough to bring success at St Johns, but even he could not prevent his men leaving as their enlistments expired. His bravery eventually cost him his life at Quebec; when the British identified his corpse, it was buried with decency inside the walls of Quebec City.

Prior to his death, Montgomery had been promoted to the rank of major general, but was unaware of it when he led the assault on 31 December. He thus became the most senior Continental officer to be killed in action (Warren, killed at Bunker Hill, had been appointed a major general, but did not receive his commission). After Montgomery's death, he became the subject of Revolutionary verse and prose (including one work attributed to Thomas Paine), extolling his virtue and heroism -somewhat ironic given his reluctance to serve, either politically or mili¬ tarily. His fate was also used to argue for extending periods of enlistment beyond one year. In 1787, a monument (made in Paris at the order of Benjamin Franklin) was erected in St Paul's church in New York City. In 1818, his body was exhumed, brought south and interred in the same church.

Lieutenant-Colonel Allan MacLean (Quebec 1775)

Lieutenant-Colonel Allan MacLean (1725-83) was born at Torloish in Scotland, and began his military service as a 17-year-old lieutenant in the Scots Brigade of the Dutch Army. Accounts differ as to which side he fought on in the Jacobite Rebellion of 1745, but he later transferred to the British Army, was commissioned in the 60th Foot (serving briefly as adjutant), and was badly wounded at the sieges of Ticonderoga and Fort Niagara. He served as a captain under Wolfe at the capture of Quebec (possibly in Montgomery's Highlanders), and later took command of a New York Independent Company. On the death of his wife in 1760, he returned to Scotland to care for his three daughters, and to raise the short-lived MacLean's Highlanders (114th Foot).

By 1775, MacLean was back in North America and was authorized by Gage to raise a regiment from Scottish communities in Canada, New York and the Carolinas. During Montgomery's invasion, he made two attempts to relieve St Johns, but was forced to return to Quebec, where he helped to stiffen the resolve of the civil population until Carleton's return from Montreal.

After 1776, MacLean held several administrative posts and in June 1777, he was made a brigadier-general and governor of Montreal. He also spent some time at Fort Niagara. MacLean served Carleton well in 1775 and had other subordinates been as industrious and aggressive, Montgomery may well have been stopped at St Johns.

Brigadier-General Richard Prescott (Quebec 1775)

Brigadier-General Richard Prescott (1725-88) joined the Army in his teens and by 1756 was a major in the 33rd Foot. He served in Germany during the Seven Years War, becoming lieutenant-colonel of the 50th Foot in 1762. In 1773, he received the brevet rank of colonel, became acting colonel of the 7th Foot, and joined that regiment in Canada. At the outbreak of war, he was based at Montreal with the local rank of brigadier-general, making him Carleton's military deputy. Prescott supervised the reinforcement of St Johns and Chambly, but is better known for his mistreatment of Ethan Allen. During the evacuation of Montreal, he was bluffed into surrendering 11 vessels and over 120 troops, and spent almost a year in captivity, before being exchanged for John Sullivan in September 1776.

Two months later, he was confirmed as colonel of the 7th Foot and took part in the occupation of Newport, Rhode Island. In July 1777, he was captured again - this time in his own headquarters - as part of an American plan to release Charles Lee, for whom he was exchanged in May 1778. During this captivity, Prescott is supposed to have been horse-whipped by a tavern owner after insulting his wife's cooking. An unpleasant man, not even redeemed by military talent, Prescott provides a striking contrast to Carleton and MacLean. Yet despite being lampooned mercilessly by the British press, he became a major-general in 1777, and a lieutenant-general in 1782.

Major-General Guy Carleton (Quebec 1775)

Major-General Guy Carleton (1724-1808) entered the Army in May 1742 and by 1757 was a Captain-Lieutenant and Lieutenant-Colonel in the 1st Foot Guards. In 1758, he went to North America, serving at Louisburg and becoming quartermaster general to his friend, James Wolfe. With the local rank of colonel, he commanded the grenadiers at Quebec and was wounded. As an acting brigadier-general, he took part in the siege of Belle Ile in 1761, and later distinguished himself at Havana, where he was also wounded.

In 1766, he became Lieutenant Governor of Quebec and succeeded as Governor on Murray's recall to England in 1768, although his appointment was not officially confirmed until January 1775. From July 1770 to September 1774, Carleton was on leave in Great Britain, during which time he may have drafted the Quebec Bill. In 1772, he was promoted to major-general and became colonel of the 47th Foot.

When war came, Carleton had fewer than 1,000 Regulars to defend Canada, and this numerical inferiority and the growing realization that the habitants would not fight for the King, forced him to adopt a cautious strategy. Possibly he took this too far in refusing to allow any pursuit of the enemy following the failed attack on Quebec and demanding overwhelming superiority on Lake Champlain. However, on both occasions he was unsure of enemy numbers and knew that he would have to wait many months to replace any losses he incurred.

His long-running feud with Germain, aided by Burgoyne's scheming, and the failure to recapture Ticonderoga in 1776, led to his achievements being belittled in London. Nevertheless, his defense of Quebec earned him a knighthood (he was even allowed to wear the insignia and use the title before any official investiture) and he was made a lieutenant-general in August 1777. The appointment of Burgoyne to lead the invasion of New York led Carleton to resign in 1777, although he supported Burgoyne ably and remained in Canada until 1778.

In 1782, the Rockingham ministry chose Carleton to replace Clinton as the commander in chief in North America. He immediately removed corrupt military and civil officials, and stalled negotiations with Washington over the return of runaway slaves, allowing several thousand black Loyalists to flee to Canada. After supervising the evacuation of New York City in 1783, he was re-appointed Governor of Quebec in 1786, and made Baron Dorchester the same year. Apart from one two-year absence, he remained in Canada until 1796, returning home to live in retirement until his sudden death.

The politics of the war in Canada (Quebec 1775)

Under French rule, the habitants had been part of the same feudal system found in metropolitan France, with the "noblesse" occupying all civil and military posts and the clergy holding sway over every public official up to and including the governor. However, by the 1750s the high cost of labor to manage the estates, the limited size and harsh realities of the Canadian economy, and the absence of the international political opportunities that existed in Europe, left many seigneurs poorer than their tenants, and even forced some to work their own land.

British rule had, entirely unintentionally, altered this dynamic still further, depriving the seigneurs and clergy of their political prominence and, with it, their last hold over the habitants (who became noticeably more spirited and independent - or rude and disobedient, depending on the observer's view). In fact, the habitants had become as independent-minded as the Americans - something that the seigneurs were quick to point out to their new rulers and that Americans saw as a weapon that they could use in their own struggle. For their part, the more educated and politicized habitants were eager to see who would triumph in the battle of wills between Great Britain and her other North American colonies.

Despite their numbers, the "Old Subjects" were extremely vociferous in demanding control of the political process in Canada, not least through their agents in London and the American colonies. About 400 of them were merchants, mainly in the fur trade, from which they had gradually displaced the French-speaking population, not without some bad feeling. They saw concessions to the majority as a threat to their right as British subjects to exploit any and every opportunity to make money - legal or otherwise. The first British governor, Major-General James Murray, saw most of them as "adventurers of mean education ... [with] ... their fortunes to make and little Sollicitous about the means," and his successor, Guy Carleton, held them in equal contempt.

Prominent among them was Thomas Walker, a Montreal merchant and former magistrate who seemed to thrive on persecution. In 1773 he encouraged the merchants of Quebec to form a committee, under John McCord, to draft a petition to Lord Dartmouth, Secretary of State for the Colonies, opposing the Quebec Bill. The petition attracted 61 signatures, not one of them from a French-speaking merchant. At the same time, Walker circulated a similar petition in Montreal that attracted 66 more. As it became increasingly obvious that the British government would frustrate their wishes, men such as McCord, Zachary Macaulay, John Dyer Mercier, Edward Antill and Udnay Hay in Quebec, Walker, James Price, William Heywood and Joseph Bindon in Montreal, and James Livingston and Moses Hazen at Chambly and St Johns, became an increasingly active fifth column. Many corresponded - often quite openly - with American politicians, and later with the commanders of the invading forces. Eventually, they would provide large sums of money and vital intelligence, or assist in recruiting other Canadians for the cause.

The people of the war in Canada (Quebec 1775)

The British conquest of New France and the subsequent Treaty of Paris created a paradox - a "British" colony whose population was neither British, nor Protestant. Moreover, this population was used to absolute government that controlled every detail of their lives, and was now exposed to the 18th-century equivalent of liberal democracy.

By 1775, that population numbered between 200,000 and 250,000 souls. By far the largest (but rapidly decreasing) section was the "Indian" community that, including the remote Inuit, numbered around 150,000. The two main groups were the Six Nations (or Iroquois), traditional friends of the British living mainly around the Great Lakes, and the Seven Nations of the St Lawrence and Richelieu valleys. The latter had had the most contact with white society, and, consequently, had mainly converted to Christianity and become less warlike. However, their past allegiance to the French meant that they were still regarded with suspicion both by their white neighbors to the south and by the British authorities. The more bellicose group - the Iroquois - were increasingly divided in their loyalties. Other tribes in the Ohio-Mississippi corridor farther west still remembered Pontiac's War and distrusted all whites.

The white population numbered 75,000 in 1763, and natural growth and limited immigration had seen it expand to 90,000 by 1775. The relatively good quality of everyday life produced high birth and low death rates: typically 55-60 births and 30-40 deaths per 1,000 of population. Of the five main groups of whites, four were entirely French-speaking and Roman Catholic, and overwhelmingly Canadian born; the fifth was English-speaking, staunchly Protestant (or at least staunchly anti-Papist) and born outside Canada.

The largest of the four "French" groups was the habitants - mainly tenant farmers, with a few tradesmen (a lifestyle looked down on by all ranks of Quebec society). The second group was the seigneury, a trans¬ planted aristocracy that had been augmented from time to time by civil and military officers arriving from France. In theory, they owned the land farmed by the habitants. The third group was the clergy, who were main¬ tained by the tithes paid by the habitants and seigneurs. The fourth group was a tiny professional elite of notaries (lawyers), doctors, and merchants.

The fifth group, numbering 2,000, were of British origin, mainly from Scotland and the American colonies and usually referred to as "Old Subjects" (in contrast to the French-speaking "New Subjects"). Apart from a few individuals settled near the frontier, almost all of them lived either in Quebec or Montreal.

The geography of the war in Canada (Quebec 1775)

There were three main conurbations in 18th-century Canada: Quebec, Trois Rivieres, and Montreal, each surrounded by a few relatively large villages and many smaller, extended rural communities. The latter comprised long, thin farms fronting either side of a road or river, with a few non-agricultural buildings (usually a school, a parsonage, an auberge (inn) and tradesmen's homes) and the parish church.

These communities were surrounded by virgin forests teeming with game, similar to those in upper New York. Most of the valleys encompassing the St Lawrence River and Richelieu River were extremely flat, except for some isolated mountains at Chambly and Montreal (hence the later description of this region as "Lower Canada"). There were few roads, and those poorly maintained. However, few villages were far from a river, so water was the most common means of transport. Canadians generally used canoes hollowed out of red elm, holding up to 20 men, while Indians used birch bark smeared with pitch, around hickory frames, able to carry from two to 30 passengers.

The main waterway was the St Lawrence, which linked Quebec, Trois Rivieres, and Montreal, although from 1735 they were also linked by the "Chemin du Roi" that ran parallel with, and mostly in sight of, the river. Movement of goods and people from west to east (i.e. downstream) was much faster by water than by road, but moving from east to west was more problematic. The St Lawrence was tidal only as far as Trois Rivieres, beyond which it passed through Lac St Pierre and then narrowed considerably before reaching Montreal. This produced a much faster current (about 10mph compared with four between Trois Rivieres and Quebec), which, with the added complication of islands and rapids just east of Montreal, made navigation hazardous. It took a skilled pilot to land a vessel at the right spot, while an adverse wind could make the journey from Quebec to Montreal almost as long as that from Quebec to England.

The climate in eastern Canada was one of hot, humid summers and cold winters. Mean temperatures for both seasons fell nearer large stretches of water, such as the St Lawrence and the Great Lakes, but winter temperatures were invariably below freezing (exacerbated by the mini-ice age that gripped North America and Europe from 1650 to 1850). The area between Quebec and the Great Lakes also experienced the heaviest rainfall in Canada - and the autumn of 1775 would be no exception. Snowfall was often heavy, especially along the St Lawrence (even today aggregate falls of up to 20ft (6m) are common), but as this allowed the use of sleighs, it actually made land transportation easier.

The beginning of the war in Canada (Quebec 1775)

Since the beginning of 1775, the commander at Ticonderoga, Captain William Delaplace of the 26th Foot, had been reporting suspicious activity around the post to Lieutenant-General Thomas Gage, the British commander in chief in North America. As the situation worsened, Gage warned Delaplace that a surprise attack might be imminent, although how Delaplace could have made the run-down post more secure with just two officers, 46 enlisted men (mostly old and worn out), and 24 wives and children, is unclear.

On 19 April 1775, after several near misses, hostilities did indeed break out between the King's troops and local militia, resulting in bloodshed at Lexington, Concord, and all the way back to Boston. The following day, an unofficial "army" of 20,000 militia had surrounded Boston, with more on the way - among them one Benedict Arnold. Arriving at Cambridge, Arnold persuaded the Massachusetts Provincial Congress to commission him as a colonel and authorize him to raise 500 troops to attack Ticonderoga. Leaving the mundane task of recruiting to others, he hastened north.

Ethan Allen, commander of the Green Mountain Boys, had been equally excited by the events at Boston and also decided to attack Ticonderoga. On 7 May he gathered 200 men at Castleton and arranged for boats to be brought to Hands Cove, just across the lake from the fort. As he was leaving Castleton, Arnold arrived and showed Allen his Massachusetts commission; Allen (or rather his men) refused to acknowledge it and, with the worst possible grace, the two agreed to march on the fort together. On the night of 9 May they arrived at Hands Cove, but the crossing was a shambles: only two boats could be found, and it was almost 3.00am before 83 men — all that could be carried at one time - crossed to the west side of the lake. Surprising a dozing sentry, whose musket misfired, Allen and his troops surged into the fort. Captain Delaplace and his colleague, Lieutenant Jocelyn Feltham, were roused unceremoniously from their quarters, and herded onto the parade ground with their men, whereupon Allen's troops found the rum store and proceeded to get drunk.

As more Green Mountain Boys crossed the lake, Allen sent a detachment of 100 men, under Seth Warner and Remember Baker (cousin to both men), to seize Crown Point. The sergeant and ten men living there were merely glorified caretakers and put up no resistance. At the same time, 30 more men under Captain Samuel Herrick were marching to Skenesboro (now Whitehall), the seat of a prominent Loyalist, Philip Skene. Herrick found Skene's schooner, Katherine,' renamed it Liberty and delivered it to Ticonderoga on 14 May.

Meanwhile, Arnold had learned that the British post at St Johns, at the head of the lake, was not only unguarded, but was also home to a 16-gun sloop packed with stores. Aware that such a mission would violate the New York-Quebec frontier, and that a column of Regulars was coming from Montreal to reinforce the garrison, Arnold took over Liberty, and set off up Lake Champlain. Soon after dawn on 17 May, he captured the fort, its 14-man garrison, and the sloop George III (which he renamed Enterprise), destroyed some boats and stores, and returned south. On the way, he met Allen and 100 of his men, who had rowed up the lake in two bateaux.

Against Arnold's advice, Allen intended to occupy the fort and ambush the relief column coming from Chambly. He later thought better of it and withdrew to the opposite side of the river; the next morning he awoke to find 200 Regulars and two small cannon facing him from the west bank. He put his men back into the boats and had soon rowed out of range, but only after losing three men.

By the end of May, Massachusetts and Connecticut had agreed that the latter would look after the defense of the Lake Champlain corridor. Unfortunately, nobody told Arnold and on learning that his Massachusetts commission was now defunct, he took Liberty and Enterprise out into the middle of the lake. When a committee rowed out to reason with him, his crew fixed bayonets and prevented them coming aboard. Finally, they persuaded Arnold to give up the vessels, but this was just the first of a number of clashes between Arnold and his political and military masters.

The thirteen colonies of Canada (Quebec 1775)

Having spent considerable sums of money - and blood - defending its North American colonies from the French and their Indian allies, Great Britain felt justified in asking for some measure of repayment from the colonists. Powerful though the issue of taxation was, it merely brought to a head a much deeper division that had existed almost from the foundation of the colonies by people fleeing religious, political or social restrictions in Europe. And when the French departed, so too did the only reason for reliance on Great Britain - defense.

Against this background of political unrest, rumors circulated throughout North America of a Bill that would recognize the alien nature of the former New France. Canadians wanted their language, laws and religion recognized, and access to civil and military posts in their own country. The first two British governors - Major-General James Murray, and Major-General Guy Carleton - believed that the future of Quebec as a British colony had to be based on tolerance, and lobbied London accordingly. The only opposition came from a small but vociferous group of English-speaking immigrants, who had assumed that they would be given preference over the defeated Papists.

In 1774, Parliament passed the Quebec Act, which accepted the Catholic religion (modifying the oath, so that Catholics could hold public office), and confirmed the use of French law and custom. It also redrew the boundaries of the Province, effectively ending any westward expansion by the American colonies - particularly New York, Pennsylvania and Virginia - and lucrative land speculation by men like George Washington, Patrick Henry, and Israel Putnam. Despite being probably the most farsighted piece of legislation enacted by a British government in North America, it was widely attacked by Americans - by now paranoid about their own "liberty" - who saw no irony in denying majority rule to the Canadians.

The First Continental Congress saw Canadians as potential allies, but was also aware of their hostility toward Americans. It determined to extend the hand of friendship (the Province's commercial and agricultural assets were no doubt also a factor) and in a long-winded letter agreed on 26 October 1774, invited Canadians to put aside religious differences and establish "a hearty amity." The letter also carried a threat, reminding Canadians they were "a small people compared to those who with open arms invite you into fellowship." At the same time, John Jay, with the knowledge of Congress, was circulating a pamphlet in North America and Great Britain alleging that the King was organizing a Canadian Catholic army to lay waste the colonies and possibly even Great Britain and Ireland as well.

The Massachusetts Committee of Correspondence dispatched an agent, John Brown, to invite American merchants in Montreal and Quebec to send delegates to Philadelphia and join in plans for rebellion. On his way, Brown looked in at Fort Ticonderoga, the former French strong point at the junction of Lake Champlain and Lake George that guarded the main trade route from New York and New England into Canada. He advised his masters that the post "must be seized [sic] as soon as possible should hostilities be committed by the King's troops," and recommended a local group of vigilantes known as the Green Mountain Boys for the task.

Chronology of the American invasion of Canada (Quebec 1775)

Pre 1773

1534 - Cartier claims the Gulf of St Lawrence for France
1608 - Champlain founds Quebec City
1627 - French merchants found the "Compagnie de la Nouvelle France"
1634 - Trois Rivieres founded
1642 - Montreal founded
1663 - Louis XIV establishes New France as a royal colony
1690 - First British attack on Quebec repulsed by Frontenac
1711 - British capture Quebec
1713 - Treaty of Utrecht: British gain Acadia (Nova Scotia) and Newfoundland
1735 - Completion of the "Chemin du Roi" linking Quebec and Montreal
1745 - Army of New England provincial troops captures Louisburg
1754 - French and Indian War begins
1758 - Capture of Louisburg
1759 - Wolfe captures Quebec
1760 - Amherst captures Montreal
1763 - Treaty of Paris; Pontiac's Rebellion; Proclamation Act
1768 - Carleton succeeds Murray as Governor of Quebec
1773 - American merchants organize to oppose Quebec Bill

1774

31 March - Passing of the first of the Intolerable (Coercive) Acts
22 June - Quebec Act receives Royal Assent
5 September - First Continental Congress
18 September - Carleton returns to Canada
4 December - Sullivan raids Fort William and Mary
16 December - Rhode Island militia seize Fort George

1775

19 April - War begins at Lexington and Concord
8 May - Green Mountain Boys rendezvous at Bennington
10 May - Second Continental Congress
10 May - Allen and Arnold capture Fort Ticonderoga
12 May - Allen's men capture Crown Point
14 May - Arnold leaves Skenesboro for St Johns
16 May - Arnold captures St Johns
17 May - Allen forced to abandon St Johns
25 June - Schuyler appointed commander of Northern [
27 June - Congress authorizes invasion of Canada
18 July - Schuyler arrives from New York City
24 July - Schuyler sends Brown to Canada
28 August - American forces leave Fort Ticonderoga
4 September - Schuyler joins army at Ile-aux-Noix
5 September - First attempt to capture St Johns
10 September - Second attempt to capture St Johns
12 September - Arnold's expedition leaves Cambridge
16 September - Schuyler hands command over to Montgomery
18 September - Third attempt to capture St Johns
19 September - Arnold's force leaves Newburyport
27 September - Allen captured outside Montreal
17 October - Brown and Easton capture Chambly
27-30 October - Carleton turned back at Longueuil
2 November - St Johns surrenders
3 November - Arnold reaches the St Lawrence
5 November - Montgomery marches on Montreal
11 November - Brown forces Prescott back to Montreal; Carleton escapes
13 November - Montgomery enters Montreal; Arnold crosses the St Lawrence
15 November - Arnold occupies the Plain of Abraham
19 November - Carleton enters Quebec; Arnold retires to Pointe-
2 December - Montgomery arrives at Pointe-aux-Trembles
8 December - Siege of Quebec begins
31 December - Attack on Quebec; death of Montgomery

1776

1 January - New England enlistments expire
8 March - First reinforcements reach Arnold
1 April - Wooster finally arrives at Quebec and assumes command
12 April - Arnold leaves to take command at Montreal
19 April - New York and Connecticut enlistments expire
29 April - Franklin, Chase, and Carroll arrive at Montreal
1 May - Thomas arrives at Quebec
2 May - Thomas learns of British relief force
5 May - Thomas orders withdrawal to Deschambaults
6 May - isis and Surprise arrive at Quebec
16 May - Forster captures The Cedars
17 May - Thomas arrives back at Sorel
20 May - Forster ambushes Sherburn near The Cedars
26 May - Negotiations between Forster and Arnold at Quinze Chiens
1 June - Sullivan and Thompson arrive at Chambly with reinforcements
2 June - Thomas dies of smallpox; Sullivan assumes command
8 June - Action at Trois Rivieres
9 June - Arnold abandons Montreal
14 June - Sullivan orders withdrawal to lle-aux-Noix
17 June - Arnold joins Sullivan at St Johns
24 June - Sullivan orders abandonment of lle-aux-Noix
4 July - Declaration of Independence
5 July - Schuyler and Gates arrive at Crown Point
7 July - Survivors of Canadian expedition arrive at Crown Point
July-August - Arnold's fleet constructed at Skenesboro
24 August - Arnold's fleet leaves Crown Point
July-September - Carleton's fleet constructed at St Johns
23 September - Arnold's fleet in Valcour Sound
4 October - Carleton's fleet leaves St Johns
11 October - Carleton defeats Arnold at Valcour Island
12 October - Arnold abandons three vessels at Schuyler's Island
13 October - Remains of Arnold's fleet destroyed off Split Rock
14 October - Americans burn and abandon Crown Point
16 October - British troops land to attack Fort Ticonderoga
4 November - Winter forces Carleton back to Canada

1777

June-October - Burgoyne's expedition and Saratoga campaign
November - Congressional committee considers second invasion

1778

January - Preparations begun for second invasion
February - Franco-American treaty of alliance signed
March - Second invasion postponed indefinitely